Öz: Bu makale Neolitik döneme ait ve Anadolu’da inşa edilen ilk tapınak olma özelliğine sahip Göbeklitepe’yi ele almaktadır. Arkeologlara göre burası insanlığın en eski tapınaklarından biridir. Göbeklitepe, yerleşik hayattan ve tarımsal üretimden yoksun olan avcı-toplayıcı toplulukların dinsel inanışları hakkında çok önemli bilgiler sunar. Bu tapınak, arkaik insanların dinden ve inançtan yoksun ilkel bir hayat sürmediklerini, aksine bir inanca sahip olduklarını, inançlarını yaşamak için tapınak inşa ettiklerini ve zengin bir dinî sembol kullandıklarını göstermektedir. Göbeklitepe, insanların yerleşik hayata geçip kendisi için konut (...) yapmadan, hayvanları evcilleştirmeden ve tarımsal üretime başlamadan önce dinî ihtiyaçlarını karşılamak için tapınak yaptığının bir göstergesidir. Özet: Bu makale Neolitik döneme ait ve Anadolu’da inşa edilen ilk tapınak olma özelliğine sahip Göbeklitepe’yi ele almaktadır. Şanlıurfa yakınlarında 1995 yılında başlatılan arkeolojik kazılar, insanlık tarihine bakış açımızı değiştirmiş ve geçmiş hakkında sahip olduğumuz bilgilerin doğruluğunu test etme imkânı sunmuştur. Göbeklitepe, arkaik insanın inanç ve düşünce dünyası hakkındaki bilgilerimizin gerçeği yansıtmadığını göstermiştir. Yaşamını avcı-toplayıcı olarak sağlamaya çalışan, din ve soyut düşünceden yoksun olduğu düşünülen, çanak-çömlek yapmasını bile bilmeyen, tarımı ve yerleşik hayatı keşfetmemiş insanların yoğun ve zengin bir sembolik anlatıma sahip tapınaklar yapması, bilim adamlarını derinden etkilemiştir. Toplamda 20 adet olan ve çapı 10 -30 metre arasında değişen dairesel yapılardan oluşan Göbeklitepe tapınaklarının en ilgi çekici unsuru, T biçiminde olan ve üzerinde soyut sembol ve hayvan kabartmalarını bulunduran dikili taşlardır. Dairesel yapının merkezinde iki adet ve çevresinde 10 ile 12 adet arasında T biçiminde yaklaşık 200 tane dikili taş bulunmaktadır. Bu T biçimindeki dikili taşlar üzerinde kapsamlı bir inceleme yapıldığında ve kadim Anadolu ve Mezopotamya uygarlıklarının dinsel inanışları ve tapınak kültü göz önünde bulundurulduğunda, bu dikili taşların tanrıları sembolize ettiği anlaşılmaktadır. Göbeklitepe, çocukları veya daha küçük dereceli tanrılar tarafından çevrelenen ve bu tanrıların oluşturduğu çemberin merkezinde yer alan tanrı ve tanrıça çiftinin oluşturduğu tanrılar panteonunun kutsal alanıdır. Göbeklitepe bir tapınak olmanın ötesinde karanlıkta kalmış bir inanç sisteminin en önemli temsilcisi olarak karşımızda durmaktadır. Yazılı kaynakların bulunmadığı ve sınırlı arkeolojik verilerin elde edilebildiği Neolitik Dönemin erken evresine ait olan Göbeklitepe, bu dönemde yaşamış arkaik insanın inanç ve düşünce dünyasını bize göstermektedir. Bu megalitik yapının yapısal ve biçimsel özellikleri, arkaik insanın sanıldığı gibi ilkel olmadığını kanıtlamaktadır. Göbeklitepe, dinin doğuşu ve gelişimi konusunda çok önemli bilgiler sunmaktadır. Özellikle evrimci ve pozitivist bakış açılarıyla oluşturulmuş ve dinin büyü, ruh, korku, atalara tapma gibi basit ve asılsız yapılardan doğup zamanla karmaşık ve kurumsal inançlar biçimine dönüştüğünü öne süren teorilerin gerçeği yansıtmadığını göstermiştir. Araştırmacılar, avcı-toplayıcı toplulukların yerleşik hayata ve tarımsal üretime geçtikten sonra toplumsal yaşamla birlikte bazı sorunlarla karşılaştıklarını ve bu sorunlara çözüm arayışının dinlerin doğuşunu hazırladığını düşünüyorlardı. Diğer bir ifade ile kurumsal dinler, karmaşık toplumsal yaşamın bir ürünü ve sonucu olarak görülüyordu. Fakat Göbeklitepe dinsel inanışların düşünülenden çok daha eski dönemlerde, kurumsal olarak ve basit olmayan formlarda bulunduğunu göstermiştir. Göbeklitepe’nin, bilinen en eski ve ilk tapınak yapısı olduğu iddia edilmektedir. Kendisinden önce bilinen antik tapınaklardan en az 5000 yıl eski olan bu megalitik yapı, uygarlığın gelişiminde dinsel inanışların ne kadar etkili ve önemli olduğunu açık bir şekilde göstermektedir. Uzun yıllar kazı başkanlığını yapmış olan arkeolog Klaus Schmidt, Göbeklitepe’nin ortaya çıkmasıyla birlikte “.. önce tapınak kuruldu sonra şehir. ” sözleriyle, insanoğlunun genlerinde bulunan inanma ihtiyacının ne kadar öncelikli olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Göbeklitepe insanoğlunun konut, tarım ve çanak çömlek gibi temel ihtiyaçlardan önce görkemli ve karmaşık tapınaklar yaptığını ve bunun arkaik insan topluluklarının güçlü inanç duygusundan kaynaklandığını göstermiştir. İnsanın genlerinde bulunan inanma ihtiyacı insana her şeyden önce tapınak yapmayı ilham etmiştir. Göbeklitepe ile temsil edilen inanç sistemi ve düşünce dünyasının ne kadar zengin ve etkili olduğunu, aynı bölgede en az 5000 yıl sonra ortaya çıkan Anadolu ve Mezopotamya uygarlıkları üzerindeki etkisinden anlayabiliriz. Bu uygarlıkların tapınak yapıları ve dinsel inanışları, bu megalitik yapı ile dikkate değer bir biçimde uyuşmaktadır. Bu uygarlıkların karanlıkta kalmış yönlerini ortaya çıkarmada, Göbeklitepe kaçırılmayacak bir fırsat sunmaktadır. Bu megalitik yapı ortaya çıktığında büyük ses getirmiş ve bilim insanlarının ilgisini çekmiştir. Hakkında yazılı ve görsel basında çok sayıda haberin çıktığı bu tapınak kompleksinin, Aden bahçesi, Babil Asma Bahçelerinin kalıntısı, Şaman tapınağı ve uzaylıların merkezi olduğu iddiaları ortaya atılmıştır. Göbeklitepe üzerinde yapılan arkeolojik kazıların ilerlemesi ve onun hakkında daha fazla bilgiye ulaşılması, onun bir ritüel merkezi olarak tapınak olduğunu göstermiştir. Göbeklitepe’nin yapısal ve biçimsel özellikleri, bu yapının her şeyden önce bir tapınak olduğunu göstermiştir. Gerek dikili taşlardan oluşan dairesel yapıları ve gerekse yerleşim yerlerinden uzak yüksek bir tepede bulunması bu düşünceyi güçlendirmektedir. Göbeklitepe’yi avcı-toplayıcı toplulukların ibadet ettikleri, tanrılara kurbanlar sundukları, yılın belirli dönemlerinde dinî festival ve şölenler gerçekleştirdikleri, tanrıların yaşadığı kutsal mekânlar olarak gördükleri ve kutsalı tecrübe ettikleri bir tapınak olarak düşünmek daha doğru bir yaklaşımdır. Göbeklitepe’nin, tarih boyunca inanç merkezi olarak kalmış ve peygamberler şehri olarak bilinen Şanlıurfa’da ortaya çıkması ülkemiz için önemli bir ekonomik ve kültürel fırsat oluşturmuştur. Anadolu’nun ne kadar kadim ve zengin bir kültürel dokuya sahip olduğunu kanıtlayan bu megalitik yapı, ortaya çıktığı günden beri birçok yerli ve yabancı araştırmacının akınına uğramıştır. Bilimsel literatürün en eski ve ilk tapınağı olan Göbeklitepe, arkaik insanın günümüz insanına miras olarak bıraktığı ve insanlığın ilk dönem sırlarını taşıyan gizemli bir tapınak kompleksidir. (shrink)

We investigated the ethical behavior of Turkish university students to compare the difference in ethical behavior between business students and non-business students, examine the impact of key contingency variables on how they make decisions when confronted with an ethical dilemma, and investigate the process underlying the ethical behavior of Turkish students. Data were collected from business students at a major private university in Western Turkey. The results indicate that a Turkish student’s peers, marital status, and education level exert a significant (...) effect on their ethical behavior. Further, business students specifically differed from non-business students in their enhanced use of egoism when confronted with an ethical dilemma. The results of this research may have important educational policy implications for business ethics in Turkey. (shrink)

Religious education is a communication process between teacher and student. Martin Buber is one of the philosophers who attach importance to the communication and relationship that should be established between teachers and students in education. In Buber's dialogue philosophy, it is underlined that a reciprocal relationship should be established between teacher and student. Our study from this point aims to draw attention to the efforts of a sound communication opportunity between teacher and student in religious education in the light of (...) Martin Buber's thoughts. In this study designed as a qualitative research, the document analysis method was used. In this sense, the main theme of our study is Buber's books and articles translated into Turkish and English. Besides, the studies of Cohen, Friedman, Blenkinsop, and Boschki have also been studied. The relationship of the individual with the world in Buber's philosophy of dialogue takes place in two styles. The first is the I-S/He relationship style. The person who has this level of a relationship sees the world as an object to be experienced only for himself/herself. For this reason, there is no reciprocity in their relations and experience takes place within the individual. According to Buber, the second type of relationship is based on the I-You perspective. The individual who has this form of relationship makes the world meaningful in an open, sincere, and mutual relationship. In the education based on I-S/He behavior style, the teacher has a one-way relationship with students, which is not based on reciprocity. In this process, the teacher focuses more on the subject the student will tell. Buber criticizes this kind of education, which is avoided and not related to the student. According to Buber, education should be done according to the I-You behavior style. In this way, it is possible to realize the unique existence of the child and to unite with his/her inner and outer world with the power of mutual relationship and participation. In order for the learners to establish a sound relationship with the world in general and religious and moral phenomena in particular, the learners should be in contact with religious educators in the first place. In religious education, it is necessary to establish a relationship by the teacher in which religious beliefs and values are not imposed on the student and the authenticity of a student is respected. This relationship is only possible if the student trusts the teacher and knows that the teacher is really with him/her in person. The religious educator should provide the learner with real experiences that s/he can experience and feel and should be able to follow the inner world and thoughts of the learner in this process. In this context, it is necessary to turn onto the reality, problems, and needs of the period in which students live more than the future and adulthood. The tradition should be handled as a living organism that touches the student's life, not in the form of dull, finished events and stories, and focused more on principles and messages than events and people. As a result, education should aim not only to improve cognitive development and creativity but also to develop and excel in all aspects of the person. For this reason, emotional and social phenomena should be a part of religious education. The best way to include emotional and social phenomena in religious education lies in the relationship between teachers and students. For this reason, we think that it is necessary to concentrate more on relations theoretically between religious educators and learners. In fact, we also aim to remove the issue of communication from a technical issue and place it in an ontological issue perspective. This study aims to be a humble beginning for these purposes. (shrink)

Monetary Intelligence theory asserts that individuals apply their money attitude to frame critical concerns in the context and strategically select certain options to achieve financial goals and ultimate happiness. This study explores the bright side of Monetary Intelligence and behavioral economics, frames money attitude in the context of pay and life satisfaction, and controls money at the macro-level and micro-level. We theorize: Managers with low love of money motive but high stewardship behavior will have high subjective well-being: pay satisfaction and (...) quality of life. Data collected from 6586 managers in 32 cultures across six continents support our theory. Interestingly, GDP per capita is related to life satisfaction, but not to pay satisfaction. Individual income is related to both life and pay satisfaction. Neither GDP nor income is related to Happiness. Our theoretical model across three GDP groups offers new discoveries: In high GDP entities, “high income” not only reduces aspirations—“Rich, Motivator, and Power,” but also promotes stewardship behavior—“Budget, Give/Donate, and Contribute” and appreciation of “Achievement.” After controlling income, we demonstrate the bright side of Monetary Intelligence: Low love of money motive but high stewardship behavior define Monetary Intelligence. “Good apples enjoy good quality of life in good barrels.” This notion adds another explanation to managers’ low magnitude of dishonesty in entities with high Corruption Perceptions Index. In low GDP entities, high income is related to poor Budgeting skills and escalated Happiness. These managers experience equal satisfaction with pay and life. We add a new vocabulary to the conversation of monetary intelligence, income, GDP, happiness, subjective well-being, good and bad apples and barrels, corruption, and behavioral ethics. (shrink)

Monetary intelligence theory asserts that individuals apply their money attitude to frame critical concerns in the context and strategically select certain options to achieve financial goals and ultimate happiness. This study explores the dark side of monetary Intelligence and behavioral economics—dishonesty. Dishonesty, a risky prospect, involves cost–benefit analysis of self-interest. We frame good or bad barrels in the environmental context as a proxy of high or low probability of getting caught for dishonesty, respectively. We theorize: The magnitude and intensity of (...) the relationship between love of money and dishonest prospect may reveal how individuals frame dishonesty in the context of two levels of subjective norm—perceived corporate ethical values at the micro-level and Corruption Perceptions Index at the macro-level, collected from multiple sources. Based on 6382 managers in 31 geopolitical entities across six continents, our cross-level three-way interaction effect illustrates: As expected, managers in good barrels, mixed barrels, and bad barrels display low, medium, and high magnitude of dishonesty, respectively. With high CEV, the intensity is the same across cultures. With low CEV, the intensity of dishonesty is the highest in high CPI entities —the Enron Effect, but the lowest in low CPI entities. CPI has a strong impact on the magnitude of dishonesty, whereas CEV has a strong impact on the intensity of dishonesty. We demonstrate dishonesty in light of monetary values and two frames of social norm, revealing critical implications to the field of behavioral economics and business ethics. (shrink)

Corruption involves greed, money, and risky decision-making. We explore the love of money, pay satisfaction, probability of risk, and dishonesty across cultures. Avaricious monetary aspiration breeds unethicality. Prospect theory frames decisions in the gains-losses domain and high-low probability. Pay dissatisfaction (in the losses domain) incites dishonesty in the name of justice at the individual level. The Corruption Perceptions Index, CPI, signals a high-low probability of getting caught for dishonesty at the country level. We theorize that decision-makers adopt avaricious love-of-money aspiration (...) as a lens and frame dishonesty in the gains-losses domain (pay satisfaction-dissatisfaction, Level 1) and high-low probability (CPI, Level 2) to maximize expected utility and ultimate serenity. We challenge the myth: Pay satisfaction mitigates dishonesty across nations consistently. Based on 6500 managers in 32 countries, our cross-level three-dimensional visualization offers the following discoveries. Under high aspiration conditions, pay dissatisfaction excites the highest- (third-highest) avaricious justice-seeking dishonesty in high (medium) CPI nations, supporting the certainty effect. However, pay satisfaction provokes the second-highest avaricious opportunity-seizing dishonesty in low CPI entities, sustaining the possibility effect—maximizing expected utility. Under low aspiration conditions, high pay satisfaction consistently leads to low dishonesty, demonstrating risk aversion—achieving ultimate serenity. We expand prospect theory from a micro and individual-level theory to a cross-level theory of monetary wisdom across 32 nations. We enhance the S-shaped Curve to three 3-D corruption surfaces across three levels of the global economic pyramid, providing novel insights into behavioral economics, business ethics, the environment, and responsibility. (shrink)

The study aimed to find out the impact of fees imposed on escorts on the consumer behavior of expatriate families in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by studying purchase motives, sources of purchase decisions, economic factors and social factors when purchasing products. The study concluded that there was no effect of these factors on changing the consumption habits of expatriate families. Rather, factors intervened that led to the increasing control of most of these factors and their impact, especially with the (...) deterioration of the economic and security conditions in the countries of arrivals, and the preference of most families to stay in the Kingdom. (shrink)

Nazariyat, Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy and Sciences, issued twice a year in English and Turkish (Nazariyat İslam Felsefe ve Bilim Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi), is a refereed international journal. It publishes original studies, critical editions of classical texts and book reviews on Islamic philosophy, kalām, theoretical aspects of Sufism and the history of sciences. The goal of Nazariyat is to contribute to the discovery, examination and reinterpretation of the theoretical traditions in the history of Islamic thought, by giving (...) special attention to the post-classical period of it. **ISSN: 2148-8088 E-ISBN: 2547-9415**. (shrink)

Bişr el-Merîsî taraftarları ile Osman ed-Dârimî arasında burada tartışma konusu yapılan hadisler haberî sıfatları konu alan ve müşkil nitelikte olan rivayetlerden oluşmaktadır. Bu rivayetleri genelde Bişr el-Merîsî ve taraftarlarının tecsîm ve teşbîh içerdiği iddiasıyla münker kabul ettikleri görülmektedir. Ehl-i re’y özellikleri taşımakla birlikte ilahî sıfatlar konusunda Mu’tezilî bir anlayışa sahip olduklarından tenzih anlayışları gereği sıfatları reddetmektedirler. Yaratılmışlara ait niteliklerin yaratıcıya nisbet edilmesini tenzîh anlayışlarına aykırı gördüklerinden bu tür müşkil rivayetleri ya kendi anlayışları doğrultusunda te’vîl ya da reddettikleri gözlenmektedir. Sert (...) bir ehl-i hadîs âlimi olan Osman ed-Dârimî ise, ayet ve hadislerde bildirilen ilahî sıfatlara iman edilmesi gerektiğini kabul etmektedir. Bu anlayışı sebebiyle bu rivayetlerde bildirilen haberî sıfatlara da te’vîl etmeksizin lafzî anlamıyla yaklaşmakta; kendi görüşü doğrultusunda Bişr el-Merîsî ve taraftarlarının yaptığı te’vîlleri reddetmekte, bu te’vîllerin ta’tîle yol açacağını ileri sürmektedir. Bu rivayetlerin lafzî (literal) anlamları doğrultusunda anlaşılması gerektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu hadisler üzerinde yapılan tartışmalar, temel hadis eserlerinin yazıldığı dönemde Ehl-i re’y ve Ehl-i hadîs ekollerine mensup âlimlerin hadislere yaklaşımlarını göstermesi bakımından önem arzetmektedir. Burada vermiş olduğumuz hadisler üzerindeki tartışmalar bu iki ekolün uluhiyet anlayışını, haberî sıfatlara yaklaşımlarını ortaya koyduğu gibi bunların genel anlamda hadis perspektifi hakkında bizlere bilgi vermektedir.ÖzetBu araştırma, temel hadis kitaplarının yazıldığı dönemde, yani III./IX asırda, haberî sıfatlar ihtiva eden bazı hadisler üzerinde yapılan tartışmaları ele almaktadır. Tartışma Osman ed-Dârimî (ö. 280/894) ile Bişr el-Merîsî’nin (ö. 218/833) taraftarları arasında geçmektedir. Hadisler üzerinde Ehl-i hadîs ile Ehl-i re’y mensubu âlimler arasında gerçekleşen bu tartışmalar bir yönüyle hadislerin anlaşılması ve yorumlanmasını ilgilendirmektedir. Tartışmanın, burada ele alınan hadislerin nasıl anlaşılması gerektiği; lafızların kelime anlamı mı (literal) yoksa bu lafızların ötesindeki muhtemel mecazî anlamları dikkate alınarak mı anlaşılması gerektiği noktasında odaklandığı söylenebilir. İnceleme konusu yapılan hadisleri tartışan tarafları kısaca tanıtmak yerinde olacaktır. Sözünü ettiğimiz rivayetlerle ilgili tartışmalar Bişr el-Merîsî taraftarları ile Osman ed-Dârimî arasında geçmektedir. Ehl-i hadîs’in önemli simalarından biri olan Osman ed-Dârimî, hadislerle ilgili bu tartışmaları içeren ayrı bir eser yazmıştır. Bu eser, Allah’ın sıfatları ve bazı hadis meseleleri konusunda Bişr el-Merîsî ve onun iki talebesinin görüşlerine reddiye olarak yazılmıştır. Bişr el-Merîsî, Ebû Yusuf’tan (ö. 182/798) fıkıh tahsil etmiş, önemli bir kelâmcı olarak tanınmıştır. O, kelâmla ilgili konularda aralarında İmâm Şâfiî’nin (ö. 204/820) de bulunduğu pek çok âlimle ilmî tartışmalar yapmış bir ehl-i re’y âlimdir. Halife Me’mûn’un (ö. 218/833) danışma meclisinde bulunmuş, Kur’ân’ın yaratılmışlığı (Halku’l-Kur’ân) görüşünün benimsenmesinde önemli payı olmuştur. Osman ed-Dârimî ise, Yahyâ b. Ma’în (ö. 233/848), Ali b. Medînî (ö. 234/848-49), İshâk b. Râhûye (ö. 238/853) ve Ahmed b. Hanbel (ö. 241/855) gibi döneminin otoritelerinden hadis öğrenmiş bir ehl-i hadîs âlimidir. Hadis tahsili için önemli bütün şehirleri dolaşarak hadis öğrenmiş ve rivayette bulunmuştur.Haberi sıfatları ispat ve bunlarla ilgili rivayetlerin teviline karşı çıkan anlayış ile, bu rivayetlerin tenzih anlayışına uygun biçimde tevilini savunan kesimler ilk dönemden itibaren eserler telif etmişlerdir. Osman ed-Dârimî’ye göre, ehl-i hadîs’in eleştiri edebiyatının ortaya çıkmasında, Mu’tezile’nin ilahî sıfatları reddetmesi etkili olmuş ve pek çok müellif bu yönde eserler yazmışlardır. Ebû Hüreyre’den nakledilen bir rivayetle ilgili olarak muârız, bu rivayetin Allah için bildiğimiz göz ve kulak organlarından oluştuğu izlenimi verildiğini söyler. Osman ed-Dârimî, bu hadisin göz ve kulak organlarını değil görme ve işitmeyi ispat ettiğini söyler. Hiçbir konuda Allah’ın benzerinin bulunmadığını belirtir. Dolayısıyla Allah’ın organlardan oluştuğu iddiasını ehl-i hadîs’e nisbet etmek iftiradır. Ebû Dâvûd, bu hadis ile Allah için görme ve işitme sıfatlarının ispat edildiğini ve Cehmiyye’nin ilahî sıfatları inkar görüşüne reddiye olduğunu belirtir. Ebû Hüreyre’in Hz. Peygamber’e nispet ederek naklettiği: "İman Yemenlidir, hikmet Yemenlidir! Ben Rabbi’nizin nefesini Yemen tarafından hissediyorum!" rivayetini de muârız münker kabul etmiştir. Çünkü Bişr el-Merîsî ve ashâbına göre nefes ancak karın boşluğu olanlardan çıkar, Allah ise bundan münezzehtir. Osman ed-Dârimî’ye göre, muârız yanlış anlamıştır. Burada kastedilen, Yemen tarafından esen ve insanı rahatlatan rüzgardır. Bu rivayet bağlamında bakıldığında, Bişr el-Merîsî taraftarlarının rivayeti literal değerlendirdiğini, Osman ed-Dârimî’nin ise rivayeti yorumladığını görmekteyiz. İbnü’s-Selcî, "Siz, Allah’a ondan çıkandan (Kur’ân’dan) daha faziletli bir şeyle yaklaşamazsınız!" rivayeti hakkında, Müşebbihe’nin bunu, karın boşluğu olan, kendisinden kelâm çıkan şeklinde anladıklarını belirtir. Allah boşluğu olmayan anlamında "samed" olduğundan bu anlayış geçersizdir. Bu hadisle, Kur’ân’ın Allah’tan değil O’nun katından çıkması kastedilmiştir. Osman ed-Dârimî’ye göre, İbnü’s-Selcî’nin asıl maksadı Allah’ın kelâm sıfatını inkâr etmektir. Kur’ân’ın O’ndan çıktığında bir şüphe yoktur, bunu sadece kelâm sıfatını kabul etmeyenler inkâr etmektedir. İbn Abbâs’a atfedilen; "Rükn (Hacerülesved) yeryüzünde Allah’ın sağ elidir, halk ile onunla musafaha eder" rivayetinde geçen "yemînullah" (Allah’ın sağ eli) sözünün anlamı, İbnü’s-Selcî’ye göre bildiğimiz sağ el değil, Allah’ın nimeti ve ikrâmıdır. Hacerülesved ile elin kastedilmediğini kabul eden Osman ed-Dârimî’ye göre, İbnü’s-Selcî’nin maksadı, geçersiz te’villerle Allah hakkında ayet ve hadislerde belirtilen iki eli inkar etmektir. İbn Abbâs’ın Hz. Peygamber’den naklettiği başka bir rivayeti İbnü’s-Selcî’nin eserine alıp nakletmesini eleştiren Osman ed-Dârimî, bu tür zayıf rivayetlerin yayılmaması gerektiğini söyler. Buna ilave olarak İbnü’s-Selcî’nin yaptığı yorumun da çirkin olduğunu belirtir ve eleştirir. Çünkü sözü edilen rivayette Allah, yeşil bir takım elbise giymiş kıvırcık saçlı bir genç olarak tasvir edilmektedir. Böyle bir rivayet Hz. Peygamber’den gelen sahih rivayetlerle çeliştiği için de güvenilmez bir rivayettir. Rivayetle ilgili bu değerlendirmeyi yapan Osman ed-Dârimî, rivayet hakkında muârızın yaptığı yorumları da reddeder. Muârıza göre, "Rabbimin yanına girdim" sözü, "Adn cennetinde Rabbimin huzuruna girdim" demektir. Osman ed-Dârimî’ye göre bu gibi müşkil (problemli) hadisler re’y ile tefsir edilmemeli, rivayet edilip bırakılmalıdır. Hz. Peygamber’e dayandırılan ve Allah’ın kendisine geldiğinden bahisle cevabını bilemediği bazı sorulan sorduğundan, sonra Rabbinin elini sırtına koymasıyla parmaklarının serinliğini hissettiğinden ve her şeyi öğrendiğinden bahseden rivayetle ilgili olarak muarız şu değerlendirmede bulunur: Allah Resûlü’ne gelen Rabbi değil güzel suretli bir melekti, o melek Allah tarafından yönledrilmekteydi ve elini koyan da o melekti. Osman ed-Dârimî, muârızın bu yorumunu reddeder. Bu yorum aynı zamanda diğer sahih hadislere de aykırıdır. Osman ed-Dârimî, sözkonusu rivayet hakkında muârızın yorumunu reddettikten sonra zikrettiği sahih rivayetlere dayanarak buna güvenilemiyeceğini ifade etmiştir. İlahî sıfatlar hakkında konuşmak en zor konular arasında görüldüğünden, selef âlimleri bu konuda susmayı tercih etmişlerdir. Ancak sonraki nesiller bu konuda farklı yollar tutmuşlardır. İlahi sıfatları anlama konusundaki temel yaklaşımları tefvîz, teşbîh ve te’vîl şeklinde üç ana başlıkta toplamak mümkündür. Tefvîz, selef alimlerinin benimsediği yol olup, Allah’ın zâtı ve sıfatlarının mahiyetine ilişkin bilgiyi ilâhî ilme havale etmek demektir. Teşbîh, Allah’ı yaratılmışlara veya yaratılmışları Allah’a benzetmek anlamına gelir. Te’vil, Allah’ın yaratılmışlara benzediği izlenimini veren ayet ve hadisleri dil bilimi ve aklî bilgilerle yorumlamaktır. Sıfatları inkar edenlere Muattıla denilmiş, sıfatları ispat edenler Sıfâtiyye diye anılmıştır. Ehl-i re’y’e göre Allah’a atfedilen ve sözlük anlamı bakımından teşbîh ve tecsîm izlenimi veren sıfatları uygun biçimde te’vil etmek gerekir. İlâhî sıfatlarda Mu’tezile tenzihi öne çıkarmış, Eş’ariyye ve Mâtürîdiyye ise tenzihe uygun te’vili benimsemiştir. Müşebbihe, Vehhâbî-Selefî anlayış da ilahî sıfatlardaki lafızları zahiri anlamlarıyla almışlardır. Hadis ilminde en önemli temel eserlerin telif edildiği II./VIII. ve III./IX. asırda yaşamış olan âlimler arasında cereyan eden inceleme konusu yaptığımız tartışma, ilk döneme ait olması bakımından önemlidir. Bunun yanında tartışma, âyet ve hadislerden oluşan naslara yaklaşımda, iki temel yaklaşımı göstermesi bakımından da önemli bilgiler ihtiva etmektedir. Bu iki temel yaklaşımdan biri ehl-i re’y ekolünü, diğeri ise Ehl-i hadîs anlayışını temsil etmektedir. Osman ed-Dârimî genel olarak rivayetin lafzına bağlı kalmayı savunmakta, Bişr el-Merîsî ve ashâbı ise münker olduğu gerekçesiyle rivayeti eleştirmekte ya da te’vil etmektedir. Nadir de olsa Osman ed-Dârimî’nin rivayeti ret ya da te’vil ettiği, Bişr el-Merîsî ve ashâbının ise rivayeti savunduğu yerler de görülebilmektedir. Müteşâbih (problemli) rivayetler hakkında Bişr el-Merîsî’nin yaptığı te’viller sonraki âlimler üzerinde etkili olmuştur. Onun te’villeri, Cübbâî (ö. 303/916), Kādî Abdülcebbâr (ö. 415/1025), Ebü’l-Hüseyin el-Basrî (ö. 436/1044) gibi Mu’tezilî âlimlerin yanı sıra, İbn Fûrek, Gazâlî (ö.505/1111), İbn Akîl (ö. 513/1119), Fahreddîn er-Râzî (ö. 606/1210) gibi sünnî âlimler tarafından da iktibâs edilmiştir. Rivayete dayalı olan hadis ilminde hakikatin ortaya konulabilmesi, "rivayet" ve "re’y" seçeneklerinden birini tercih etmekle değil; bunların her ikisini de yerinde ve dengeli olarak kullanılmasına bağlı olduğunu hatırda tutmak gerekir. Hakikatin ortaya çıkarılmasında rivayet re’ye, re’y de rivayete muhtaçtır. Rivayet ve re’y birbirinin rakibi değil tamamlayıcı unsurları olarak görmek gerekir. (shrink)

Hadiths that have been discussed in this paper consist of narrations regarding divine attributes and having some problematic meanings between supporters of Bişr al-Marīsī and ʿUthmān al-Dārimī. These narrations were mostly accepted denounced (munkar) by Bişr al-Marīsī and his sopporters due to having an anthropormophist and corporealist content about God. They rejected divine attributes according to their understanding of God based on incomparability (tanzīh) which provided by Mutazilite approach towards divine attributes even though they conveyed some features of Ahl al-Ra’y. (...) They found contradicted of attributing human features to God based on their tanzīh understanding, therefore, they interpreted such this kind of narra-tions in terms of their approach or rejected at all. At the other hand, a hard Hadith scholar Uth-man al-Darimi believed that one should accept divine attributes as they are in the Qur’an and Sunna. According to his belief, he considered the explicit meanings of the narrations without interpretation of divine attributes, and based on his perpective he denied Bişr al-Marīsī and his supporters’ interpretations claiming they would cause divesting God of all attributes (ta‘tīl). He argues that these narrations should be taken into considerations based on their explicit mea-nings. The discussions on these hadiths are important due to showing different approaches of scholars from the schools of Ahl al-Ra’y and the ones from Ahl al-Hadith towards the hadith du-ring the period when the main Hadith works were collected. Discussions on the narrations stu-died in this paper reveal two schools’ understandings of divine issues, their approaches to divi-ne attributes, as well inform us their perspectives of hadith in general.Summary: The present paper examines the debates between ʿUthmān al-Dārimī (d. 280/894) and the supporters of Bishr al-Marīsī (d. 218/833) on the divine attributes mentioned in some hadiths in the period when the main hadith books were composed (i.e., III/IXth century). These debates that took place between the scholars of Ahl al-Hadith and Ahl al-Ra’y concern the un-derstanding and interpretation of the hadiths in a certain way.It could be stated that the debates focus on how the hadiths should be understood, or whether it is the explicit meaning of the words or the possible methaphorical meanings beyond them that should be considered.It is worth briefly introducing the parties who discussed the hadiths studied here. The aforementioned discussions about some hadith narrations are between the supporters of Bishr al-Marīsī and ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, one of the important figures of the Ahl al-Hadith who wrote a separate work on these hadiths. This work was written as a rejection of the views of Bishr al-Marīsī and his two students on the attributes of God and some issues regarding hadith.Bishr al-Marīsī was regarded as an important scholar of Kalam who received fiqh education from Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798). He is a scholar of Ahl al-Ra’y who made scientific dis-cussions with many scholars including Imam al-Shafiʿī (d. 204/820). He was on the council of the Caliph Al-Mamūn (d. 218/833) and had a significant role in the adoption of the idea of the createdness of the Qurʾān (khalq al-Qurʾān).Uthmān al-Dārimī,on the other hand, was a scholar of Ahl al-Hadith who learned ha-dith from the authorities of his era such as Yaḥyā b. Maʿīn (d. 233/847), ʿAlī b. al-Madīnī (d. 234/848), Isḥāq b. Rāhawayh (d. 237/851), and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 241/855). Having visited all the important cities for the training of hadith, he learned the hadiths and conveyed them.With the understanding of proving the divine attributes and the opposition of the misin-terpretation of the narratives related to them, the groups advocating the appropriation of these lines in accordance with the understanding of incomparability (tanzīh) have complied the works since the first period. According to ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, the rejection of the divine attributes by Mu'tazila was influential in the emergence of the criticism literature of the Ahl al-Hadith and many authors wrote works in this direction.Regarding a narration by Abū Hurayra, an opponent reports that this narration gives the impression that God has the eyes and ears as we know. ʿUthmān al-Dārimī reports that this hadith proves sight and hearing not the eyes and ear organs. He indicates that God has no like by no means. Therefore, it is slanderous to refer the claim that Allah is made of organs to the Ahl al-Hadith. Abū Dāwūd states that with this hadith the attributes of sight and hearing for God are proved and Jahmiyya’s denial of the divine attributes are rejected.The opponent also considered Abū Hurayra's narration referring to the Prophet: "Faith is from Yemen, wisdom is from Yemen! I feel the breath of your Lord from Yemen!" as denounced (munkar). Because, according to Bishr al-Marīsī and his companions, breath can only come from those with an abdominal cavity, and Allah is free from it. According to ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, the opponent misunderstood. What is meant here is the wind that blows from Yemen and comforts people. In the context of this narration, we see that supporters of Bishr al-Marīsī evaluate the narrative literally, while ʿUthmān al-Dārimī interpret the narrative.Regarding the narration, "You can not approach Allah with something more virtuous than what comes out of it (the Qur'ān)" Ibn al-Saljī reports that Mushabbiha understands this as one with an abdominal cavity and from whom speech comes out. This understanding is in-valid since God is "samad" in the sense that He has no void. With this hadith, it is meant that the Qur'ān comes out of Allah’s presence rather than Allah. According to ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, the real aim of Ibn al-Saljī is to deny God's attribute of speech. There is no doubt that the Qur'ān comes from Him, and those who do not accept it merely deny His attribute of speech.Attributed to Ibn Abbas; The meaning of "yamīn Allah" (the right hand of Allah) in narration "Black Stone (al-ḥajar al-aswad) is the right hand of Allah on earth, handshakes with the people" is not the right hand that we know according to Ibn al-Saljī, it is blessing and grace of Allah. According to ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, who acknowledges that Black Stone is not meant to be a hand, the purpose of Ibn al-Saljī is to deny the two hands mentioned in the verses and ha-diths about Allah with invalid interpretations.ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, who criticized that Ibn al-Saljī quoted from another narration which Ibn Abbās heard from the Prophet, says that such poor narrations should not be spread. In addition, he points out that Ibn al-Saljī's interpretation is ugly and he criticizes it. Because Allah who is mentioned in the narrative is depicted as a young man with curly hair in a green suit. Such a narration is also an untrustworthy narration as it contradicts the authentic narrations of the Prophet. ʿUthmān al-Dārimī, who made this assessment of the narration, rejects the com-ments that the opponent made about the narration. According to the opponent, the phrase "I have come to Allah" means "to come into the presence of Allah in the Garden of Eden." Accor-ding to ʿUthmān al-Dārimī’s understanding, such complicated hadiths should not be only narra-ted.About the narration that are based on the Prophet and he does not know the answer to what he has come to know of himself, then he feels the coolness of his fingers as he puts his hand on his back and learns everything, the opponent evaluates the following: He was not Allah who came to the Prophet, but a well-behaved angel who was being directed by Allah and he was the angel who put his hand. ʿUthmān al-Dārimī rejects this interpretation of that oppo-nent. This comment is also contrary to other authentic hadiths. After he refused to the com-ment of the opponent about relevant narration, ʿUthmān al-Dārimī stated that he could not trust this comment on the basis of the authentic narrations he mentioned.Salaf scholars have preferred to be silent in this regard, as it is seen among the most difficult subjects to talk about divine attributes. However, subsequent generations have held dif-ferent paths in this regard. The basic approaches to understanding the divine attributes can be summarized in three main titles: tafwīd, tashbīh, and ta’wīl. Tafwīd is the path adopted by the early salaf scholars and means to leaving the knowledge about Allah’s entity and attributes to His knowledge. Tashbīh means to compare Allah to the created or the created to Allah. Ta'wīl is to interpret the Qur'ānic verses and hadiths that give the impression that Allah is like the crea-tures with semantics and rational deduction. The ones who deny the adjectives are called as Muʿattila and those who prove their attributes are called as Sifatiyya. According to Ahl al-Ra’y, it is necessary to appropriately make interpretation (ta'wīl) of the attributes giving the impression of anthropomorphism in terms of the dictionary. In the divine attributes, Muʿtazila advoca-ted the incomparability (tanzīh), whereas Ashʿariyya and Māturīdiyya adopted interpretation in accordance with incomparability. Mushabbiha and the Wahhābī-Salafī understanding has also taken the expressions regarding divine attributes with their explicit meanings.The debate between the scholars who lived in the ages II/VIII and III/IX, when the most important works are composed in the science of hadith, is important in that it is the first turn. In addition to this, the debate also contains important information on the approach to the Qur'ānic verses and hadiths, in that it shows two basic approaches, one of which represents the school of Ahl al-Ra’y, and the other represents the school of Ahl al-Hadith.ʿUthmān al-Dārimī generally advocates adhering to the explicit meaning of the narra-tion, while Bishr al-Marīsī and his companions criticize the narration labeling it as denied (mun-kar) or making an interpretation. On rare occasions, the places where ʿUthmān al-Dārimī re-jects the narration and makes interpretation, or where Bishr al-Marīsī and his companions de-fend the narrative can be seen.Interpretations made by Bishr al-Marīsī on the problematic narratives have influenced on the next scholars. Alongside Muʿtazilite scholars such as al-Jubbāʾī (d. 303/916), Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1024) and Abū l-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī (d. 436/1044), his interpretations have been quoted by Sunni scholars such as al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111), Ibn ʿAqīl (d. 513/1119) and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210).The fact that the truth can be put forward in the science of hadith, which is based on the narration, does not favor one of the "narration" and "ra’y", it should be kept in mind that both of these depend on the proper and balanced use of both. To reveal the truth, the narration is in need of the opinion and the opinion (ra’y) is in need of the narration. Narration and opinion sho-uld be seen as complementary elements, not each other's opponents. (shrink)

Falsafat wa-ḥayāt Abī Hāshim al-Jubbāʼī wa-madrasatuh -- al-Tawallud ʻinda al-Muʻtazilah.

Name der Zeitschrift: Der Islam Jahrgang: 94 Heft: 2 Seiten: 496-526.

Dār al-Qurʾāns, which were among the madrasas in the Ottoman period and where qirāʾāt was taught, turned into the Qur'āns schools after the law on unity of education, enacted on March 3, 1924. That was the end of the institutional entity of qirāʾāt education in Turkey. Afterwards, a number of qirāʾāt teachers kept performing this education by their individual efforts. Among these teachers, Osman Nuri Taşkent who was the former head-imam of Nuruosmaniye Mosque in Istanbul was assigned as a (...) Qurʾān teacher in Adapazarı in 1936. This research aiming to address Taskent’s service as a public servant, his educational activities, and his role in the re-institutionalization of the qirāʾāt education is planned as a qualitative case study and carried out by document analysis and interview techniques. In conclusion, this study has demonstrated that (a) this school which aimed to be offered in Adapazarı was planned as qirāʾāt education school, (b) Taşkent was the responsible official teacher (c) 14 students graduated under his mentorship in Adapazarı, and (d) this institution was named as Dār al-Ḥuffāz of Adapazarı in his period. Moreover, it shows that after the leaving of Taşkent, this school maintained the education under the responsibility of Himmet Babalıoğlu who is one of the former students; however, the type of education changed and turned into a general Qur'āns chool.Summary: With the law of unified education which is a turning point in the history of Turkish education, all educational institutions were gathered under responsibility of the Ministry of Education. However, madrasas were closed approximately two months later, even though it was not included in the law. Along with the madrasas, Dār al-Qurrā that are the institutions performing education on the recitation, memorizing, and the principles ofreading the Qurʾān were also attempted to be closed with the similar understanding. However, the President of the Religious Affairs in this period opposed this attempt and these institutions turned into Qurʾān schools due to the insistences of the president that these institutions should maintain their education under the responsibility of the presidency of religious affairs. After this change, qirāʾāt education lost its institutional entity.Whether Dār al-Qurrās have been able to continue education since 1925 as Qurʾān schools is controversial. According to some researchers, the Qurʾān schools after this change were not closed as opposed to other religious institutions, imam hatip schools and Darülfünun Faculty of Theology, and continued their education. Another view is that these courses were officially opened for the first time in 1925, closed since 1929 with the alphabet revolution in 1928, but they restarted education in 1930 with the permission for limited locations in Anatolia and for some teachers in Istanbul. Another view is that the courses planned to be opened in ten places could not be activated due to some obstacles in 1925, but they could be opened after the closing of imam hatip schools after 1930.In some studies, it is stated that the qirāʾāt education, which lost its institutional existence with the conversion of Dār al-Qurrās to the Qurʾān schools, providing general Qurʾān education has been continued with individual efforts of some qirāʾāt teachers such as Serezli Ahmed Şükrü (d. 1932), Hamdi Efendi (d. 1939), Akrepoğlu Osman Nûrî Taşkent (d. 1942), Ömer Aköz (d. 1952), (Ayağıkesik) İsmail Hakkı Bayrı (d. 1972), Hasan Akkus (d. 1972) and Üsküdarlı Ali Efendi (d. 1976). In the same studies, it is also underlined that the science of qirāʾāt regained an institutional entity only after the attempts of Tayyar Altıkulaç in 1968, with the sending of the Diyanet to Aşıkkutlu, honorarily occupied with the science of qirāʾāt in Uğurlu town of Of. However, the fact that Osman Nuri Taşkent was appointed in 1936 as Qurʾān teacher in Adapazarı while he had been the chief-imam of the Istanbul Nuruosmaniye Mosque reveals that the efforts for the institutionalisation of the qirāʾāt education began much earlier.This research aiming to address Taskent’s service as a public servant, his educational activities, and his role in the re-institutionalization of the qirāʾāt education is planned as a qualitative case study. The main problem in the study is whether the appointment of Osman Nuri Taşkent, the chief-imam of the Istanbul Nuruosmaniye Mosque in 1936, as a Qurʾān teacher in Adapazarı is an attempt to establish an institution of qirāʾāt education in the early period of the republic, or not, and the some results are as follows:In the diploma that he awarded Himmet Babalıoğlu who one of his students in Adapazarı, Taşkent presented himself as assigned the teacher and tutor by Turkish Republic for those who want to memorize and learn the Qurʾān as well as to learn qirāʾāt according to books of Shātibiyya and Durra in Adapazarı. This statement shows that his main reason for the leaving Istanbul was qirāʾāt education. Before his appointment to Adapazarı in 1936, Taşkent was giving qirāʾāt education at the Nuruosmaniye Mosque. Accordingly, in his interview with Diyanet Magazine in 1989, Hızal who is one of previous students stated that he had received qirāʾāt education from Taşkent in Nuruosmaniye since the early 1930s. Moreover, in his ratification letter, he stated that Hızal got ratification for Taṣḥīḥ al-Ḥurūf on July 13th, 1933 and qirāʾāt on May 10th, 1935. These statements show that he was occupying with qirāʾāt education in Istanbul. In this case, it is not reasonable to assume that he was appointed in Adapazarı for general Qurʾān teaching.Some documents also clearly reveal that Taşkent went to Adapazarı for qirāʾāt education, and the education he provided there is about qirāʾāt. Six years after Taşkent left Adapazarı, the informative letter which the Adapazarı muftī of the period wrote to the Presidency of Religious Affairs is perhaps the most important document. According to this document, 14 students studied Taṣḥīḥ al-Ḥurūf in Adapazarı graduated under his mentorship. However, it should be immediately stated that “Taṣḥīḥ al-Ḥurūf” in this letter means qirāʾāt education in consideration of that Babalıoğlu and Hızal were among the 14 students. Because Babalıoğlu learned qirāʾāt all of them from Taşkent as in his diploma and Hızal received diploma of Taqrīb. Furthermore, Himmet Babalıoğlu and İsmail Uziş who were the students in Adapazarı submitted their petitions to ask the left position by Taşkent. These petitions are ones of the important documents proving that the process started with Taşkent in Adapazarı was qirāʾāt education. Accordingly, they both addressed their candidacy for Adapazarı Qurʾān teaching by emphasizing their qirāʾāt education and competence in this field.A clear answer may not be given to the question of "Is the appointment of Taşkent as a Qurʾān teacher in Adapazarı individually given to him or is an institution established there?" in the context of his departure. However, some correspondences show that this education was an institutional activity for his period. Then, when it is aimed to identify qirāʾāt education as an institution for its period, the title of “Dār al-Huffāz of Adapazarı” is used and Taşkent is described as “Adapazarı Qurʾān Teacher”. Additionally, as Adapazarı Qurʾān teaching had an institutional quality, one of his students, Himmet Babalıoğlu, was appointed to the relevant position after him. (shrink)

Kur’ân-ı Kerîm kelimelerinin yazım özelliklerini inceleyen ilim dalına resm-i mushaf /resm-i Osmânî adı verilmektedir. Bu ilme, Hz. Osman’ın (ö. 35/656) halifelik devrinde (644-656), dönemin fasih Arapça kaidelerine göre yazım esas alınmak sûretiyle gerçekleştirilen mushaf istinsah faaliyeti kaynaklık etmektedir. Sahabe eliyle gerçekleştirilen bu çalışmada kullanılan imlanın, sonraki dönemlerde yazılan mushaflarda esas alındığı kabul edilmektedir. Bugün Hz. Osman himayesinde imla edildiği kesin olarak bilinen bir mushaf mevcut değildir. Bu yüzden Hz. Osman mushaflarındaki yazım şekillerine ait detaylar ancak hicrî 3-4. (...) asırlarda telif edilmeye başlanan eserlerden öğrenilebilmekte, resm-i mushaf kriterleri mezkûr kaynaklar baz alınarak belirlenmektedir. Lakin mushaf istinsahı faaliyetinden 3 asırdan daha fazla bir süre sonra kaleme alınan eserlerde verilen bilgilerin yeterliliği/sıhhati konusunda birtakım tereddütlerin varlığı malumdur. Mezkûr tereddütlerin izale edilmesine katkı sunma maksadıyla hazırlanan bu makalede, alanın temel eserlerinde yer alan resm-i Osmânî kaideleri bağlamında Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi/Emanetler Hazinesi 2 nr. Mushaf incelenmektedir. Erken dönemlere ait olduğunda şüphe bulunmayan Mushaf’ın, Hz. Ali’ye (ö. 40/661) tarafından yazıldığı iddia edilmektedir. Mevcut çalışma sayısı bakımından oldukça yeni bir alanda yapılan bu araştırmada, hicretten birkaç asır sonra telif edilen eserler vasıtasıyla ulaşılabilen kaideler ile erken dönemlerde yazılmış TMSK E. H. 2 nr. Mushaf’ın imlası kıyaslanmak sûretiyle, kaidelerin o dönemde ne derece uygulandığını tespite çalışılmıştır. İki bölümden müteşekkil makalenin ilk kısmında, Mushaf’a dair tanıtıcı ve teknik mahiyetteki bilgilere yer verilmiş, Mushaf’ın Hz. Ali’ye nispeti tetkik edilmiştir. Mushaf’ın erken dönemde imla edildiği ancak Hz. Ali tarafından yazılmasının mümkün olmadığı kanaatine yer verilmiştir. İkinci kısımda, ilgili eserlerde “hazf, ispat, ibdal, maktu‘/mevsûl yazım, hemze, Mesâhif-i Emsâr’ın gönderildiği beldelere göre farklılık arz eden yazım farklılıkları” şeklindeki konu başlıkları altında yer verilen toplam 1406 kelimenin yazım özelliğiyle TMSK E.H. 2 nr. Mushaf’ın yazımı mukayese edilmiştir. Sayfa, âyet noksanlığı bakımından neredeyse kusursuz nitelikteki bu Mushaf’ın tamamında yapılan inceleme sonucunda toplam 319 kelimede kaidelere muhalif yazım olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Üzerine inceleme yapılan tüm kadim Mushaflarda da görülen bu imla uyumsuzluğu, resm-i mushaf kaidelerinin sıhhatine dair mevcut soru işaretlerini kuvvetlendirmektedir. Bu da resm-i mushaf ilminin sınırlarını tespit için kadim mushafların imlasının da dikkate alınması gerektiğine, bunun için de erken dönemde yazılmış mushafların yazım şekilleri üzerine daha fazla araştırma yapmanın gerekliliğine işaret olarak kabul edilmelidir. (shrink)

Antalya, which is today’s attraction center with its historical and natural beauties, was described as “a city like heaven” since ancient times. This city hosted many civilisations and states until the 13th century and became an important seaport after The Seljuks took over the region. The Seljuks applied civilization and urbanization policy also in Antalya, like other regions they ruled. The mosques, madrasahs (Islamıc theology institutions), schools, baths, caravansearis (hostels), hospices, and water cisterns in this period changed the structure of (...) the city and paved the way for improvements of public life. During the Ottomans some of these social institutions were kept active while the others no longer served to the public. However, with the construction of new social institutions, urbanization was resumed. The madrasas were generally built near or adjacent to the mosques, and had a significant role in developing the society and cultural structure. Although the madrasas in Antalya were mainly the institutions that maintain the education system, the research on these madrasas mostly focuses on their architectural features. The majority of these madrasas that are not comprehensively studied. Therefore, the functioning structures and the problems of Antalya Madrasas (Antalya, Korkuteli and Elmalı), which are reflected in the archive documents between the 17th and 20th centuries and also both individuals and institutions that had influence on these madrasas are going to be investigated in this study. Thus, this paper will shed more light on Antalya Madrasas.Summary: Antalya city, which was completely under the Seljuk sovereignty during the reign of Sultan Alaeddin Keykubat I (1219-1236), was named as Alâiyye dedicated to the Sultan's name and became an important port city of the Seljuk State after then. In the process of the fall of the Seljuk State and the beginning of the Emirates (Beylikler) period, the city became a land of Teke-Oğulları, a part of a Hamid-oğulları, and in 1390 the city became an Ottoman city after the struggle of Yıldırım Bayazid with Teke-oğuları. Antalya was home to the madrasahs, one of the formal education institutions during both the Seljuk and the Ottoman Empire. The madrasahs were built next to the mosque or in a detached area built by sometimes administrators or statesmen, sometimes by members of the dynasty or by the citizens who were wealthy. In Antalya, both single floor and second floor madrasahs were built. This study based on the documents from Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive, the travel books of İbn Bibi and Evliya Çelebi, the works on Antalya Madrasahs to be determine the madrasah in the districts of Antalya as Korkuteli and Elmalı. In addition to the Seljuk madrasahs such as Imaret Madrasah, Atabey Armagan Madrasah and Karatay Madrasah, there are also some madrasahs belonging to the Ottoman period, in Antalya. As a matter of fact, the madrasahs increased in number in the period of the Ottoman. Antalya madrasahs which are reflected in archival documents for any reason are as follows: “Süleyman Madrasah” located in Hatip Süleyman Street, “Madrasah built by Haci Mahmed” located in Elmali Street, “Hacı Abbaszâde Hacı Süleyman Madrasah” in Süleyman Street, “İsmail Efendi Madrasah” in Tahtapazarı Kızılsaray Street, Kasab Hacı Ahmed Madrasah, Hacı Cafer Ağa Madrasah, Murad Ağa Madrasah, Esir Hacı Ali Madrasah, Hacı Hasan Madrasah,“Madrasah built by Hasan Efendi” in Keçiyalar Street, in the Kadılar Street of Gediz County “Madrasah built by Yusuf Efendi”, “Madrasah built by Hızır Efendi” in Cami-i atik Street, Murat Pasha Madrasah, “Sefer Ağa Madrasah” located outside the city wall, “Büyülü Minaret Madrasah, Hatuniye Madrasah, Sheik Sinan Camii Madrasah located outside the city Wall, In addition to these madrasahs mentioned in some studies in Antalya, it is also stated that there are madrasahs such as Müsellim Madrasah, Kesik Minaret Madrasah, Karakas Madrasah, Varsakli Mehmet Efendi Madrasah, Meydan Madrasah, Surmeli Madrasah, Canmülk Madrasah, Ahi Kız Madrasah, Hacı Naim Efendi Madrasah, Susam Madrasah, Çömlekçi Madrasah, Değirmenönü Madrasah, Ak Mescid Madrasah, Âşık Doğan Madrasah and Çukur Madrasah.According to archive documents, in the sub-district of Antalya, which is used as a plateau or plateau area, some madrasahs were recorded as follows: Pınarbaşı Madrasah, Hızır Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Emir Sinaneddin Madrasah, Hacı Menlü (Mevlüt) oğlu Ömer Medrese, Abu Bakr Agha Madrasah, Koca Hafız Medrese, Hacı Mollaoğlu El-Hac Ömer Madrasah, Sheikh İsmail Efendi Madrasah. However, Süleyman Fikri Erten, who works on Antalya, stated that the number of madrasahs is eight as: Haci Ahmet Madrasah of Kalkanlı, Sultan Hatun Madrasah, Koparanzade Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Karabayırlı Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Kaşlı Ali Efendi Madrasah, Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Şalaka Ahmet Madrasah and Oyunyeri Madrasah.The madrasahs built in Elmalı, another distict of Antalya, were as follows: Ketenci Ömer Paşa Madrasah, Esbak Mir-i Ahur Hacı Mehmet Bey Madrasah, Haydar Baba Madrasah, Arifî Ahmed Paşa Madrasah, Hüseyin Efendi Madrasah, Debbağ Baba Madrasah, Şeyh Ümmi Sinan Madrasah, Babazade Hacı Abdurrahman Madrasah, Hacı Şeyh Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Hasan Efendi Madrasah, Salih Efendi Madrasah, Halil Efendi Madrasah, Çankırlı Madrasah, Osman Efendi Madrasah and “Mehmet Efendi Madrasah in Örtekiz village”. In addition, two madrasahs, except from these, were also found in the archive documents.A madrasah was built almost at every Street of Antalya and the madrasahs were usually named by the name of their builders. Madrasah students were provided with a certain amount of scholarship to continue their education according to the level of the education in the madrasahs and the level of the courses taught, salaries of the scholars, the status of the builder of the madrasah. The scholars who worked in the madrasahs worked with a document called berat-i sharif and in the case of the disappearance of this document a new berat-i sharif would be prepared by the Shaykh al-Islami. Scholars working without this document were also determined. In the scholar appointments foundation, board of trustees, müfti, and the city regents were very influential. There were also some appointments resulted from death, promotion besides leaving job with their own will. There were some problems with the appointments in Antalya and the foundation revenues to which the madrasah was attached were delivered to certain individuals until these problems were resolved.In madrasahs of Antalya, science was given a great importance and all kinds of monetary issues were tired to be eliminated with donations given to both scholars and students. However, it is observed that madrasahs were involved in some events in Antalya. As a matter of fact, among those who participated in the Şah Kulu Rebellion that took place in 1510-1511, there were also madrasah students and education training had therefore been disrupted for a long time. it is known that the state sent orders to the judges (qadi) in the region consecutively in order to prevent the rebellion. Also during this period some madrasahs were used as the activity center of armed students or people who disguised them.One of the issues that negates the education and training in the madrasahs in Antalya is that in 1890 the immigrants started to be hosted in Antalya and the guests visiting were accommodated in madrasahs as there were no other available places. This situation had been continued for a long time and even telegrams have been sent about the students living on the sidewalks.Another important issue that disrupts education was epidemic diseases. It was reported that too many people died in the district of Istanoz because of smallpox, there was no doctor and the health personnel should go to the region urgently. Despite all the problems experienced in madrasahs, they continued their activities in Antalya and while continuing their activities under the control of foundations in 1826, with the establishment of the Ministry of Foundations, they were connected to this institution. (shrink)

İslamiyet’in Türkler tarafından kabul edilmesiyle birlikte Türk edebiyatında, İslamiyet’i konu alan eserler telif edilmiştir. Bu eserlerin bilhassa tevhid, naat, münâcât ve hâtime bölümlerinde Allah’ın rahmetine ve Hz. Muhammed’in şefaatine nail olmak arzusunun dile getirilmesi bir gelenek hâline gelmiştir. Zamanla, şefaati konu edinen ve başta Hz. Muhammed olmak üzere Allah’ın şefaat etmesine müsaade buyurduğu kişilerden şefaat isteğinde bulunulan manzum ve mensur müstakil eserler telif edilmiştir. Bu eserler, dinî-tasavvufi türlerden ayrılarak şefaatnâme olarak adlandırılmıştır. Şefaatnâmelerin geneli, eski Anadolu Türkçesi döneminde telif edilen Hikâye-i (...) Kesikbaş, Hikâye-i Deve, Hikâye-i Güvercin, Hikâye-i Geyik, Hikâye-i Kız, Hikâye-i İsa, Hikâye-i İsmail ve Hikâye-i İbrahim gibi dinî manzum hikâyelere anlatım ve üslup özellikleri bakımından benzemektedir. İslam dinini halka öğretmek amacıyla sade bir Türkçe ile kaleme alınan ve tahkiyenin ön planda olduğu bu hikâyelerden biri, muhtevasından dolayı şefaatnâme türü içerisinde değerlendirdiğimiz Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’dır. Çalışmamıza konu edilen bu eser, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Yazma Bağışlar Bölümü’nde 4042 demirbaş numarasıyla kayıtlı olan ve içerisinde Süleyman Çelebi’nin (ö. 1422?) Vesîletü’n-Necât’ı ile eski Anadolu Türkçesi döneminde telif edilen dinî muhtevalı pek çok manzum hikâyenin bulunduğu yazmanın 155a-160a sayfaları arasında yer almaktadır. Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ, aruzun “fâ‘ilâtün / fâ‘ilâtün/ fâ‘ilün” kalıbıyla ve mesnevi nazım şeklinde yazılmıştır. 154 beyitten müteşekkil bu eserde, Hz. Muhammed’in günahkâr ümmet için üzülüp ağlaması, o esnada sohbetinde bulunan Hz. Ebû Bekir, Hz. Ömer, Hz. Osman, Hz. Ali, Hz. Ayşe ve Hz. Fatma’ya günahkâr kullara şefaat için ne yapacaklarını sorması ve onların da bu soruyu cevaplamaları tahkiye edilmiştir. Bu makalede, öncelikle şefaatnâme hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Ardından, Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’nın dil, şekil, anlatım ve muhteva özellikleri incelenmiştir. Sonrasında ise Yahyâ’nın Şefaatnâme’sinde ele alınan konunun Ömeroğlu’nun (ö. 14. yy) Şefaatnâme’sinde, Pir Muhammed’in (ö.?) Şefaatnâme’sinde, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi Kütüphanesi Y. Y. 520/2 numarada kayıtlı yazmanın 30a-34a yaprakları arasında bulunan müellifi meçhul bir şefaatnâmede de yer alması sebebiyle bu dört metin mukayese edilmiştir. Farklı şairlerin kaleminde, aynı olay örgüsünün nasıl ifade edildiği bir tablo dâhilinde ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Makalenin sonunda, Şefaatnâme-i Yahyâ’nın transkripsiyonlu metni hazırlanarak araştırmacıların istifadesine sunulmuştur. (shrink)

İslam tarihinde Müslüman topluluk içinde ilk fikrî ve fiilî anlaşmazlıklar Hz. Peygamberin (s.a.v.) vefatının ardından başlamış daha sonra Hz. Osman ve ardından Hz. Ali döneminde olayların büyümesiyle Hâricîlik mezhebi tarih sahnesine çıkmıştır. Sıffîn savaşını bitirmeyi ve Müslümanlar arasında barışı temin etmeyi hedefleyen Tahkîm olayı başka bir ayrılıkla neticelenmiş, Kur’ân’ı-Kerîm’in hükümlerine uyulmadığı gerekçesiyle Müslüman topluluktan büyük bir grup ayrılarak Nehrevan’a çekilmiştir. Çoğu taşradan gelmiş, eğitim seviyesi düşük askerlerinden oluşan ve daha sonra Hâricîler diye isimlendirilen bu grup, kendi içlerinde de anlaşamamış (...) pek çoğu aşırılık yanlısı bir tavırla Emevî ve Abbasî Devletleri döneminde isyan etmiş ve muhtelif şiddet olaylarına karışmıştır. Hicrî üçüncü asrın sonlarında İbâdiyye hariç, başta Ezârika olmak üzere aşırılığa meyleden veya şiddete başvuran Hâricî gruplar dağılıp yok olmuştur. Hâricî kitleler içerisinde ortaya çıkmış olan İbâdiyye kendi dönüşümünü sağlayarak ve hatta fikir ve yöntemlerindeki yumuşaklık sebebiyle halktan gerekli desteği alarak bir yandan Kuzey Afrika’da 132 yıl hüküm süren Rüstemîler Devletini kurarken diğer yandan da fikrî bünyesini inşa etmiştir. Günümüzde Kuzey Afrika, Umman ve Zanzibar’da yedi milyona yakın nüfusa sahip olan bu mezhep pek çok açıdan etüt edilmeyi hak eden bir topluluk ve bir fikir akımıdır. İbâdiyye, hicrî ikinci asra dayanan yazılı eserleri ve yüzyıllarca biriktirdiği deneyimi ile İslam dininin inanç, davranış ve siyaset esaslarının tedvini için sosyo-politik zeminin anlaşılmasında değerli verilere sahiptir. Öte yandan mezhebin her açıdan objektif olarak ele alındığını söylemek mümkün görünmemektedir. Hicrî üçüncü asrın sonlarından itibaren yazılan fırak ve makālât türü eserlerde çeşitli gerekçelerle Hâricîlik için kullanılan pek çok yerici ifade, aidiyeti iyice araştırılmadan İbâdiyye’yi teşmil edecek şekilde kullanılmıştır ve halen de kullanılmaya devam etmektedir. Burada asıl dikkat edilmesi gereken önemli bir husus, ehl-i biꜤdat yahut ehl-i küfre ait olduğu değerlendirilen pek çok şahıs, düşünce veya ekolün ilmi açıdan tevsiki yapılmadan İbâdiyye’ye nispet edilmiş olabileceğidir. Bu makalede İbâdiyye’nin tarihi derinliklerine inilerek hem inanç sahasına yeni birtakım fikir veya tespitleri kazandırmak hem de mezhebin doğru bir şekilde anlaşılmasına katkı sunmak için İbâdiyye’ye nispet edilen bazı fikir, şahıs yahut alt grupların durumu ele alınmıştır. Bu amaçla temel fırak ve makālât eserleri, İbâdiyye’nin muteber klasik ve çağdaş kaynaklarıyla mukayeseli olarak kullanılmış ve İbâdiyye’ye nispeti tartışmalı olan alt grupların mezhebe aidiyeti tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

Averroes, Middle Commentary on Aristotle’s Poetics, trans. with intro. Charles E. Butterworth, xxi+161 pp.

This ninth volume of Collected Papers includes 87 papers comprising 982 pages on Neutrosophic Theory and its applications in Algebra, written between 2014-2022 by the author alone or in collaboration with the following 81 co-authors (alphabetically ordered) from 19 countries: E.O. Adeleke, A.A.A. Agboola, Ahmed B. Al-Nafee, Ahmed Mostafa Khalil, Akbar Rezaei, S.A. Akinleye, Ali Hassan, Mumtaz Ali, Rajab Ali Borzooei , Assia Bakali, Cenap Özel, Victor Christianto, Chunxin Bo, Rakhal Das, Bijan Davvaz, R. Dhavaseelan, B. Elavarasan, Fahad Alsharari, T. (...) Gharibah, Hina Gulzar, Hashem Bordbar, Le Hoang Son, Emmanuel Ilojide, Tèmítópé Gbóláhàn Jaíyéolá, M. Karthika, Ilanthenral Kandasamy, W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Huma Khan, Madad Khan, Mohsin Khan, Hee Sik Kim, Seon Jeong Kim, Valeri Kromov, R. M. Latif, Madeleine Al-Tahan, Mehmat Ali Ozturk, Minghao Hu, S. Mirvakili, Mohammad Abobala, Mohammad Hamidi, Mohammed Abdel-Sattar, Mohammed A. Al Shumrani, Mohamed Talea, Muhammad Akram, Muhammad Aslam, Muhammad Aslam Malik, Muhammad Gulistan, Muhammad Shabir, G. Muhiuddin, Memudu Olaposi Olatinwo, Osman Anis, Choonkil Park, M. Parimala, Ping Li, K. Porselvi, D. Preethi, S. Rajareega, N. Rajesh, Udhayakumar Ramalingam, Riad K. Al-Hamido, Yaser Saber, Arsham Borumand Saeid, Saeid Jafari, Said Broumi, A.A. Salama, Ganeshsree Selvachandran, Songtao Shao, Seok-Zun Song, Tahsin Oner, M. Mohseni Takallo, Binod Chandra Tripathy, Tugce Katican, J. Vimala, Xiaohong Zhang, Xiaoyan Mao, Xiaoying Wu, Xingliang Liang, Xin Zhou, Yingcang Ma, Young Bae Jun, Juanjuan Zhang. (shrink)

This is the first complete English translation of the Jami al-hikmatayn, written in Persian, the final, and crowning, work of the great poet, philosopher, and Ismaili missionary Nasir-i Khusraw (1004-1077). Twin Wisdoms Reconciled was written at the request of the emir of Badakhshan 'Abu al-Ma'ali 'Ali ibn Asad' who was perplexed by the questions in a long philosophical ode written a century earlier by Abu al-Haytham Jurjani, an obscure Ismaili author. The ode consists of a series of some 90 questions (...) on a wide range of subjects, from logic and metaphysics to medicine, cosmology, and physics, as well as esoteric Ismaili doctrine. Nasir-i Khusraw's text takes the form of a commentary on certain astutely selected lines. Twin Wisdoms Reconciled represents yet another example of the author's lifelong endeavour to transform Persian philosophical prose into a deft and nuanced instrument of expression. The work has not been as extensively studied as Nasir-i Khusraw's other major theological and philosophical treatises, all written in his final exile in Badakhshan, in part perhaps because of its textual difficulties. Twin Wisdoms Reconciled survives in a single manuscript of dubious accuracy in the Aya Sofya collection, Suleymaniyye Library, Istanbul. The present translation is based on the critical edition of the text produced by Henry Corbin and Mohammed Mo'in in 1953, but with frequent reference to the unique original manuscript. Twin Wisdoms Reconciled represents an endeavour to reconcile two apparently opposed forms of knowledge: the knowledge accorded by revelation and exegesis and the knowledge gained by reason. Seeing that "the bazaar of wisdom" stands empty because of the mutual incomprehension of traditional theologians and Aristotelian philosophers, Nasir-i Khusraw stepped boldly forward to reinvigorate that desolate marketplace. His final work, written in 1070, is thus a testimony as well as an exposition of his mature thought. (shrink)

Undoubtedly and unfortunately, COVID-19 pandemic has been politicized in media see Abbas, Rui Zhang. Although vaccines play a crucial role in eliminating the pandemic, they have been politicized by media. This article aims to show how COVID-19 vaccines are politicized in the press. The article collects some selected reports on vaccines taken from American and Chinese media. The reports are analyzed according to an analytical framework suggested by the researcher. The framework and data collection and description are clearly presented in (...) the method section. Based on data analysis, the article shows that COVID-19 vaccines have been politicized. The study recommends that diseases and vaccines should not be politicized. In other words, we should respect and trust science and our scientists for no other purpose than to reach herd immunity and overcome a dangerous pandemic that has taken and is still taking thousands of innocent lives. (shrink)

In recent years, there has been a noticeable increase in organizational trends to hire irregular workers. This inclination, in a time of great flux and uncertainty, exacerbates human resource issues faced by firms. We argue that corporate social responsibility can be an important antecedent to improve the workplace attitudes of irregular workers and as a result reduce the negative impact on organizations of the increased use of an irregular workforce. Hence, we explore the relationship between perceived CSR and unfairness perception (...) and social relations of subcontracted workers with regular workers. We further attempt to explain these relationships through the mediating effects of psychological contract violation and organizational identity, respectively. Our analysis supports a negative effect of composite and external CSR on unfairness perception and positive effect on social relations. Additionally, our results support partial mediating roles of psychological contract violation and organizational identity. Theoretical and practical implications of the results are also discussed. (shrink)

Islamic philosophy and Sufism evolved as distinct yet interpenetrating strands of Islamic thought and practice. Despite differences, they have shared a concern with the perfection of the soul through the development of character. In The Polished Mirror, Cyrus Ali Zargar studies the ways in which, through teaching and storytelling, pre-modern Muslims lived, negotiated, and cultivated virtues. Examining the writings of philosophers, ascetics, poets, and saints, he locates virtue ethics within a dynamic moral tradition."--Amazon.com.

Russell once said that “Vagueness and precision alike are characteristics which can only belong to a representation, of which language is an example. They have to do with the relation between a representation and that which it represents. Apart from representation, whether cognitive or mechanical, there can be no such thing as vagueness or precision; things are what they are, and there is an end of it” (1923). In other words, expressions like ontological vagueness (and even ontological precision) are category (...) mistakes and therefore make no sense. Half a century later, as the view began to emerge that some vagueness could be intelligibly ascribed to the world, Dummett opined that “It is not apparently absurd to suppose ... that the physical world is in itself such that the most precise description of it that even omniscience would yield might yet involve the use of expressions having some degree of vagueness” (1981). Evans had already questioned the idea of worldly vagueness, arguing that it was inconsistent (1978). A quarter of a century later, however, many papers had been written in defense of the intelligibility and possibility of this once nonsense and then contradictory claim. This chapter is one of them, albeit from a different viewpoint. The aim of this chapter is twofold: firstly, to consider the intelligibility of vague ontology, and secondly, to discuss the most famous argument against vague ontology, i.e., Evans’ argument. To this end, in Sect. 11.2 we present some commonsensical considerations on vague ontology. In Sect. 11.3, we look at some supervaluationist theories and the kind of vague ontology they accommodate before arguing that this kind of ontology is inconsistent with commonsense. Section 11.4 outlines a version of supervaluationism that can accommodate the commonsensical considerations discussed in Sect. 11.2. The outlined view is an ontological variation of Kit Fine’s characterization of vagueness as incompleteness (1975). It will be argued that the view is more effective than other versions of supervaluationism at accommodating commonsensical and metaphysical considerations. In the following section, we consider vague identity. Based on the view outlined in Sect. 11.4, there may be vague identity in some special cases. In Sect. 11.6 we focus on Evans’ argument and argue that it can be blocked in the first step. (shrink)

This article analyzes the position of Ibn Hilāl, who is regarded as nāsıbī and ghālī, in the science of Shia rijāl, his reports and the validity of the accusations against him. It is found that narrators are criticized for various reasons in the science of Shiʻa rijāl. Some of them are the Shiite followers that the imams cursed and wanted to be kept away from their adherence. It is seen that the narrations reported by some of the narrators are included (...) in the main sources of Shiite hadith, albeit these narrators were cursed by the innocent imams. Ahmed Ibn Hilāl (d. 267/880) is one of these narrators cursed by the imams and his name is found in the report (the isnād) of many early narrations. Ibn Hilāl, one of the close companions of Shia's 10th imam Ali b. Muḥammed al-Hādī (d. 254/868) and 11th imam Ḥasan al-ʻAskarī (d. 260/874), was first cursed by the letter of al-Askarī allegedly sent, and the Shiite followers were ordered to move away from him. Ibn Hilāl refused to accept the ambassadoriality of Muḥammed b. Osman (d. 305/918), the ambassador of the 12th Imam. Thus, he was cursed by Muḥammad al-Mahdī as well. In later periods, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī. However, there are also some Shiite scholars who supported (tavthîk) Ibn Hilāl. In the Shi'a tradition, Nāsibism indicated the meaning of hating ʻAli and Ahl al-bayt or feeling anger towards them. Later on, this meaning has been changed into a meaning including the haters of ʻAli and then the Shiʻa Nāsibism is regarded as a position towards Shiʻa outside of Shiʻa. Ghulāt is a form of a belief generally found in the Shi'a tradition. In the belief of Ghulāt, holiness is attributed to the imams. When the Shiite sources are examined, it can be seeb that Ibn Hilāl represents neither a ghālī nor a nāsıbī position. In the Shiʻa, when the narrator leaves his sect, his narrations are evaluated differently. Therefore, among Ibn Hilāl's narrations only those which narrated before he left can be accepted. The likely reason for this attitude can be those narrators such as Ibn Hilāl brought in many narrations to the Shiite hadith literature. Ibn Bābeveyh and Sheikh Sadūk reported many narrations that includes Ibn Hilāl in their report chain (the isnad). Among these narrations, they criticized only one. Again, in the 4th century of Hijrī, Numānī, al-Hazzāz, Ibn Qavlaveyh and Mufīd reported many narrations transmitted by Ibn Hilāl. However, none of them mentioned about the negative perception on Ibn Hilāl in any of these narrations. This shows that Ibn Hilāl was not regarded as nāsıbī or ghālī in the eyes of the these scholars. As regards to, Tūsī, in the 5th century after Hijra, claimed that Ibn Hilāl was a ghālī and he was accused of being an adherent to this religion. He narrated in sum fifty narrations that included Ibn Hilāl in the report chain, but Tūsī criticized only three of them because of including Ibn Hilāl. The reason why Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī, which Shiʻa deemed the worst, was probably related to the political conditions of that period. On the other hand, there is no report that Ibn Hilāl shared a nāsıbī and ghālī thought or had a tendency towards them. It is obvious that if Ibn Hilâl, who has an important place in the eyes of the Shiite community, does not accept the second ambassador of al-Mahdī, and that this would cause discord among the followers. This complex situation was tried to be remedied by letters alleged to have been written by the imams, cursing Ibn Hilâl and ordering them to stay away from him. Later, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being a nāsıbî or ghālī who expressed the attitudes and thoughts that Shiʻa saw the most distant from him. Sadūk first reported the narration that Ibn Hilāl was Nāsıbî. Tūsī, on the other hand, described Ibn Hilāl as ghālī in the 5th century (after hijra). This study tries to reveal that there is no explicit evidence that proves Ibn Hilāl’s nāsıbī or ghālī position. (shrink)